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As a feudatory ruler of Samyana-mandala, appointed by the Rastrakutas, Sugatipa was involved in projects of a religious nature, to be referred to in the next chapter, but as a governor, his position was similar to that of a member of the family of Taj ikas who were closely l7 Apart from other qualities, the hero of a mahdkdvya was to possess the urge for conquest. Moraes, on the basis of inscriptional evidence preserved in a later Portuguese version, suggests that this association dates to the time of Guhalladeva II ? JayakeSi appointed him governor of the Konkan. Sadano, the competent administrator, is obviously identical with Sadhana mentioned in the Panjim plates of Jayakesi I, dated AD The inscription has the following details about the family, described as of Tajika descent: 22 There was one Aliyama, the peaceful, who was born in the city of Srivaimulya.
He was of Tajiya descent. He was intelligent and derived his wealth from the possession of ships. His son Madhumada was, like full moon, delight to the eyes of the people. To Madhumada was bom Sadhana who was strong; he became equal of Kesiraja Jayakesi in the matter of protecting the realm.
His munificence removed the misery of the distressed and his strength put an end to his enemies. The good conduct of that wise man attracted the minds of the honest persons.
Moraes, ibid.. The Tajika presence in western India was on a scale which may be considered not too insignificant for the formation of images about them; they would be considered as MIecChas, despite the deliberate Sanskritization of their ethnic and personal names, and the reference to the Mlecchas and the Tajikas in the inscription of , of Pratlhara Vatsaraja, need not be taken to relate to two separate communities.
In fact, both Yavana and Mleccha were terms which, after having acquired a generic connotation suitable for application to outsiders, continued in use. The mention of the Yavanas in the Kharepatan Ratnagiri district, Maharashtra inscription of 23 of the time of Silahara ruler Anantadeva and of the Mlecchas in the Vadavali grant Thane, Maharashtra of 24 of the time of Silahara Aparaditya I would have related to the Tajikas who, as already pointed out, had a significant political presence in western India in early medieval times, to the extent of being listed among adversaries even when they could be appointed as governors and could be seen as contributors to the promotion of an ideal socio-religious order.
To return to the question of representation in terms of literary convention, it may be instructive to study the images which are projected about the Tajikas in the specific context of western India of early medieval times. These are traits which may be seen as conforming to what the Yavanas or Mlecchas would generally be associated with. The point about the general and the specific may also be explored by trying to see the relationship between the 23 V. Note, for example, the case of Chittukka, who according to the Vadavali plates Thane, Maharashtra of Silahara Aparaditya I AD , was an asura —a demon—bom to devastate the world jagad- dalayitum.
The inscription does associate, in the end, the Mlecchas with calamity, but not as its originator in this specific context. At the same time, as will be mentioned later, the Mlecchas are generators of calamity in other situations in which Mleccha domination causes total min of existing political and social order. The general tenor of how the Tajikas as Mlecchas or as Yavanas would be perceived and represented, which would sometimes accord with representations of individuals from other social groups, would pose a contradiction with other types of representation.
It will have to be seen whether contemporary conventions can in any way illuminate and resolve this contradiction. See M. Venkataramanayya and M. The term which assumes increasing importance is Turuska, although this preliminary statement requires several qualifications. First, it is not that the term Turuska is of later usage than Tajika and replaces it. Second, it is not Turuska alone which comes to be in use. For example, the term Saka can be seen to be in use where one could expect Turuska. Similarly, as can be seen from the Vilasa grant of Prolaya Nayaka, of the first half of the fourteenth century from Andhra Pradesh, 29 Turuska could be substituted not only by such terms as Yavana, but by another term initially of a different ethnic origin, Paraslka, as well.
Probably mentioned as Tu-Kiue in the Chinese annals of Tang and other dynasties, 30 Turuska is mentioned in early Indian literary sources from about the seventh century onward: in the Harsa- Carita of Bana who distinguished them from the Paraslkas; in the Garuda , Vdmana and Bhagavata Puranas-, in Amarakoscr, in the Kavya Janakiharana of Kumaradasa 31 and other texts.
The 19 P.
Representing the Other?: Sanskrit Sources And The Muslims
The Greeks called them Tourkoi, the Arabs Atrak sg. Turk , while in new Persian they became known as Turkan sg.
Van Den Hoek, D. Kolff and M. Oort, eds. Heesterman Leiden, New York, Koln, , p. It is possible that some of the Sanskrit appellations such as atihala used with reference to the Turuskas were literal translations of tribal connotations mentioned by Wink. Nandargikar, The Raghuvansa of Kalidasa Bombay, 3rd revd. Before, however, the actual establishment of the Turkish Sultanate in Delhi, the Turuskas start figuring on the political horizons of rulers located in different parts of the subcontinent.
Perhaps the earliest epigraphic document to refer to the Turuskas as political adversaries is a fragmentary Sarada inscription from Hund Attock, Pakistan , assigned, on palaeographic grounds, to the second half of the eighth century. The extensive achievements of Pratlhara Nagabhata II, which included victories over the countries ' 2 K. Indian Epigraphy, Vol. I Delhi, , pp. The Yavana king, 37 of the Khalimpur plate of Pala ruler Dharmapala, a formidable adversary of the Pratlharas, approved, along with kings of Bhoja, Madra, Kuru, Yadu, Avanti, Gandhara and Kira, the installation of the king of Kanyakubja by Dharmapala; perhaps he too was a Turuska, and his inclusion, among a number of rulers of northern and central India, suggests a pattern which is similar to the inclusion of the Turuska among a number of political adversaries.
References to Turuskas in a similar vein occur in many inscriptions of the period, and it is not necessary to cite them all. I select below translations of two verses occurring in the inscriptions of the Kalacuris of Madhya Pradesh to illustrate further the point made above.
The following occurs in the Amoda plates Bilaspur district, Madhya Pradesh of Prthvldeva, dated AD By that king was erected on the earth a pillar of victory after forcibly dispossessing the kings of Kosala and Vaiiga, ruler of Konkana, the lord of Sakambharl, the Turuska, the descendant of Raghu, of their treasure, horses and elephants.
Mirashi, Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era , pt. I Delhi, rpt. Epigraphic documents of the period, taken collectively, are in fact replete with references to who could be perceived as political adversaries and to the metaphors of heroes: they point, not to singularity, but to multiplicity. IV Sanskrit texts, which style themselves as Mahakavyas, often refer to the Yavanas, Mlecchas, Turuskas interchangeably, and they too do not carry the impression of the emergence of a single foe, as a literary motif, posing threat to the military might of the central character of the Mahakavya.
One can assume that from the point of view of the literary idiom this would not have been desirable and in consonance with the intended status of the hero. PrthvTraja-vijaya of Jayanaka, 44 one of the early texts of the genre ofhistoricalMahakavya, centres around Cahamana Prthviraja who, as a hero, is characterized as dhirodatta, and who, inexplicably, 42 Chandra Prabha, Historical Mahakavyas.
Written possibly between and , Prthvlraja-vijaya begins with an account of the ancestry of Prthvlraja, tracing his lineage to the Sun, and the narrative moves through generations of Cahamana mlers till it reaches Prthvlraja. But in terms of his priority, when Prthvlraja attained maturity to rule the kingdom, first was his campaign against Nagarjuna, who had taken possession of Gudapura.
Prthvlraja also resolved to vanquish beef-eating Mleccha Gauri i. Ghuri , and bestowed gifts on a messenger who brought news from Gujarat of the routing of Gauri Ghuri army, but then the narrative, in the penultimate canto of the text, moves off in a different direction: Prthvlraja retires to a picture gallery and becomes absorbed in a painting portraying the beauty of Tilottama. However, another text, Hammira-mahakavya , 45 written perhaps in the second half of the fifteenth century, around another Cahamana ruler Hammlra of Ranastambhapura also has many references to conflicts with the Turuskas, interspersed with references to conflicts and intrigues with other kings.
The motif of digvijaya is also used for Hammlra whose "Ibid. Hammlra insults his own official; the official seeks refuge at the court of Delhi; to avenge his insult, Alauddin enlists support from Aiiga, Telanga, Magadha, Mahisura and other regions. In the final encounter with Alauddin, Hammlra, frustrated by the treachery of his subordinates, kills himself; one of the few trusted subordinates who fight for Hammlra in his last encounter is Mahimasahi, a Yavana.
Encounters with Turuska or Yavana rulers of the south figure prominently in some texts written in that region. One of several descriptions of Bukka, father of Kampana and one of the founders of Vijayanagara, is that he was bom to free the world of the Mlecchas. Kampana, in the end, achieved success against the Y avanas of Madura through divine intervention. Saluvabhyudaya, written around by Rajanatha Dindima 47 is about another Vijayanagara figure Saluva Narasimha.
Saluva Mahgi, an ancestor of Narasimha, had, in his time, set out to defeat Mleccha suratrana of the south and had, it is stated, removed fears of Kerala, Cola and Pandya kings. Cola and Pandya; marched down to the setu of Rama, and then on to AnantaSayanam; achieved victory over Turuska; and then proceeded through Dasarna to the Himalayas.
Soul searching meaning in tamil
He also defeated the Turuskas, who are stated to have been endowed with various weapons and who tortured the earth. Another interesting text, from the point of view of representation of historical events, as also that of relation with the Yavanas is Rdstraudhavamsa-mahakavyam, written by Rudrakavi, a poet from the south daksinadig-bhava-kavi , at the instance of his patron king Narayana Saha, Bagula ruler of Mayuragiri, in Krishnamacharya, op.
See A. Pratapa Saha, depicted in the text as a great plunderer, was on the forefront of the assault on the capital of Nijama Saha of Ahmednagar, and in the concluding part of the mahakdvya, it is claimed that Pratapa was loved by pranayi Saha Murddarajamkhanakhana- ksitipa. What emerges 52 Ibid. V I have been trying to show, by citing epigraphic and literary sources, that as raiders and contestants for political power, the Tajikas and C the Turuskas were depicted by contemporary authors as among 7 many claimants in a situation of intense and constant competition.
Whatever the political history of the period, even of the time of Akbar, this was what informed, through the use of literary convention, the narrative structure of the texts. The question to proceed to from this would be: How is Turuska rule perceived? There is a cluster of interesting epigraphs of the thirteenth century from the Delhi region, which originated mostly from the merchant families of the area and to which we may turn for an initial answer to this query. I start with the quite well-known Palam Baoli inscription of AD , 55 almost the whole of which is in Sanskrit, written by Pandita Yogisvara.
One notices that the inscription contains three genealogies. The genealogy of thakkura Udadhara, a purapati in 5, P. Prasad, Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate!
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